A month after President Trump took office, Brad Bartell’s wife, Camila Muñoz, was arrested by ICE.
A Peruvian immigrant, she had overstayed a work-study visa years earlier. But after marrying Bartell, she applied for legal status, and her case was under review when they flew to Puerto Rico for their honeymoon.
They thought it was safe to travel within U.S. territory while her application was pending. They were wrong.
You may have read their story. As they returned, Muñoz was detained under the newly inaugurated Trump’s new executive order, which empowered federal agents to arrest and remove anyone lacking documentation, regardless of circumstances. She spent 49 days in a Louisiana detention center while Bartell, back in Wisconsin, scrambled to work with lawyers and prove her ties to the community.
“It was tough,” he told me. “I was missing a piece … [There was] a lot of extra stress.”
And yet, Bartell doesn’t regret his vote for Trump and still supports the president.
That may seem baffling. Why keep supporting a politician whose policies disrupted your own marriage? But that kind of critique assumes there’s only one “right” reason to vote for someone — and it’s usually not the one people like Bartell have in mind.
For years, the press has seized on such contradictions in Trump supporters’ lives. These voters are often portrayed as punchlines: too loyal, too misled, or too blind to see how their preferred policies come back to bite them. Sometimes, the claim is that their support stems from spite.
One recent Hill opinion column argued that “Trump voters are okay with suffering, as long as other people hurt more.” By “other people,” the author meant Black Americans — citing white farmers who supposedly don’t mind the sting that tariffs put upon them because of the perceived harm to Black farmers. There was no polling, no quotes, no evidence — just conjecture and sweeping generalizations to assume the worst motives.
In my conversations with Trump-supporting white farmers, they have acknowledged the pain caused by tariffs but said they understood Trump’s reasoning: to hold countries accountable for unfair trade practices. Many also appreciated the subsidies they received to offset the impact.
Bartell has heard similar assumptions about Trump supporters. “If you support Trump, it makes you racist — or a lot of other nasty things,” he said. “But you can’t really understand somebody you don’t know personally.”
Bartell doesn’t see himself as voting against his own interests.
“Of course you aren’t going to agree all of the time with the way things are done,” he said. “But Trump is taking action, which is better than nothing.” He believes the immigration system was broken long before Trump. His wife’s detention raised questions for him — but not so much about the man in the White House.
The idea that voters should cast their ballots based solely on immediate personal gain is not only simplistic but it is also inconsistently applied. When a billionaire supports a Democrat who wants to raise taxes, he is praised as principled and civic-minded. When a working-class Trump voter backs a policy that might hurt him personally, he is mocked.
Why is one seen as virtuous and the other as foolish?
And this goes far beyond immigration. Trump’s proposed “One Big Beautiful Bill” includes cuts to Medicaid, threatening coverage for many Americans—including some of his own voters. In rural areas, where hospitals depend on Medicaid, Trump supporters could lose access to care and safety-net programs. These cases are often used as proof that voters don’t know what’s good for them. But maybe they reflect something else entirely.
“Self-interest” isn’t objective or universal. Some voters care more about law and order, cultural preservation, or a sense of national purpose than they do about how government can directly improve their personal situation. Is that really less rational than voting to raise your own taxes for the greater good?
That’s how Bartell sees it. For him, Trump’s immigration crackdown brought short-term pain for himself and his wife — but it didn’t invalidate the broader reasons he supports the former president or his immigration policies.
Bartell told me that even during the hardest moments, no friends or family challenged his political views. “They may not have agreed entirely,” he said, “but there was no challenge in mature conversations.”
And he’s not alone. Other Trump supporters have stood by him despite being caught in the consequences of his policies. One headline read, “Detained in immigration raids, MAGA mom still has faith in Trump’s mass deportation plan.” Another: “Husband refuses to take down Trump flags after wife detained by ICE.”
These stories rarely get beyond a surface-level analysis, because the details complicate the caricature. Mocking these voters sends a message that only some values matter, and only certain types of sacrifice are valid.
Muñoz is home now, and life has returned to something closer to normal. But the experience hasn’t shaken Bartell’s support for Trump. “Humans are complex,” he said. “Everyone’s reasons and situations [for supporting a candidate or policy] will be different.”
He’s right. And if we took that complexity seriously, we might begin to understand each other a little better.
Daniel Allott is The Hill’s former opinion editor and the author of “On the Road in Trump’s America: A Journey into the Heart of a Divided Country.”
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