Democratic legislators in Texas could flee the state to prevent the GOP from approving new maps that could expand Republicans’ congressional majority.
Texas and national Democrats have vowed to fight back while blasting the GOP plans, which could give Republicans five more seats, as discriminatory.
Visiting with Democratic state lawmakers in Austin, U.S. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) vowed Thursday that “all options” should be on the table to stop the GOP plan.
But because Democrats are a minority in the state Legislature, they have few options to stop the GOP and face an uphill battle legally and politically.
One very real option would be to seek to deny the quorum necessary to keep the Texas state House and Senate functioning, something Democrats might have the numbers to accomplish.
“Democrats don’t have many arrows left in their quiver. There simply aren’t a lot of things they can do to be able to challenge these maps in the near term,” said Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor at the University of Houston.
A quorum break could be the “nuclear option,” Rottinghaus said, “because most members don’t want to do it that way. They want to stay and fight.”
“But the problem is that they simply don’t have a lot of tools legislatively, or in terms of their total numbers to stop or slow things here in Austin.”
The map proposal, filed this past week during a special session called by Gov. Greg Abbott (R), comes after President Trump pressed Texas Republicans to draw new maps to protect the party’s narrow 219-212 House majority.
A public hearing before the state House’s Select Committee on Congressional Redistricting was held Friday. Republican state Rep. Cody Vasut, chair of the redistricting panel, said he expects committee action in the coming days, followed by a full state House debate early next week.
Specifics of the proposed lines could change as the plan works its way through the state chambers. But it’s unlikely that Democrats have enough leverage in the state Legislature — where Republicans are 88-62 in the House and 19-11 in the Senate — to significantly change things in their favor.
Faced with similar dynamics in 2003 and 2021, Democrats walked out to stall the Legislature on redistricting efforts and voting restrictions.
“Breaking quorum is a big task, and there’s a lot of problems that come with it,” said Lana Hansen, executive director of Texas Blue Action, an Austin-based Democratic advocacy group.
“And I think this situation is particularly volatile because … this [redistricting] is a call from the president of the United States.”
Fleeing would likely draw more attention to the brewing redistricting battle, but Abbott could continue to call sessions and the Democrats’ absence would stall other business.
A quorum break would also be expensive, due to new rules that impose fines for each day a lawmaker has fled, as well as the threat of arrest. Democrats are reportedly fundraising to help pay up if that happens, according to The Texas Tribune.
“In the past, it worked to sort of pause the conversation and start over,” Hansen said of the previous quorum breaks, but she noted that Republicans still got their way. “At the end of it, it wasn’t as successful as we had hoped.”
Asked about a potential walkout, U.S. Rep. Lizzie Fletcher (D-Texas) told reporters Thursday that “there are a lot of ways to fight.”
Jeffries, asked whether he’s urging Texas Democrats to break quorum, said “all options should be on the table” but deferred to Texas Democrats.
If Democrats can’t block the GOP efforts within the Legislature, they’ll likely pursue legal action as leaders in and out of the state decry the proposal as discriminatory.
Rep. Marc Veasey (D-Texas), one of the lawmakers whose district would be impacted, called the moves “part of a long, ugly tradition of trying to keep Black and brown [Texans] from having a voice.” Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-Texas) called it “a power grab to silence voters and suppress votes.”
Democrats’ chances of success with potential legal challenges likely relies on the fate of the Voting Rights Act (VRA), said Mark McKenzie, an Texas Tech associate professor of political science who has practiced law in the state.
A major Louisiana redistricting battle is set to be reheard by the Supreme Court next term, and Republicans are increasingly bullish on chipping away at the VRA.
“I think the Democrats, assuming the Supreme Court doesn’t eviscerate the Voting Rights Act … would have a good case, in terms of African American majority districts in Texas and how they’ll be impacted,” McKenzie said, noting that they might be harder pressed to argue the same of Latino voters, who have increasingly leaned toward the GOP in Texas.
“Legally speaking, the Democrats are not in a great position,” McKenzie added.
The party appears to be gearing up for a political battle either way.
“The current map violates the law, and this congressional map will double and triple down on the extreme racial gerrymandering that is silencing the voices of millions of Texans,” Jeffries said Thursday in Austin.
“We will fight them politically. We will fight them governmentally. We will fight them in court. We will fight them in terms of winning the hearts and minds of the people of Texas and beyond.”
House Majority PAC, a House Democratic super PAC, announced a new Lone Star Fund this week. It is hoping to raise millions for 2026 challengers if the lines are redrawn.
“If the GOP and the Trump administration think that Texas is the first state that they should look at doing this in, the place that he’s most concerned with losing ground in, then we are in play, and my hope is that national investment will come this way,” Hansen said.
“There’s still an opportunity for Democrats in Texas. We just might not be able to help flip to the congressional majority that we would like.”
And Democrats may have avenues for offsetting GOP gains in Texas with redistricting efforts in other states.
“There’s a phrase in Texas: ‘what happens here sometimes changes the world.’ Well, this is the case where what’s happening here is setting off a cascade effect across the country,” said Jon Taylor, the University of Texas at San Antonio’s department chair of political science.
The developments in Texas have sparked congressional map conversations in several other states, including in California — where Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) has said the Golden State might make its own midcycle changes if Texas moves forward.
There’s also a chance that Lone Star State redistricting backfires on Republicans.
For one, the party may appear more focused on redistricting than on deadly Independence Day floods, another special session agenda item.
It may also be hard to predict midterm voting patterns.
“Just because Trump won in 2024 in certain parts and certain areas that are currently held by Democrats doesn’t mean that’s going to translate to success in a midterm election of ‘26, particularly a midterm election that, nationally, is expected to be potentially a wave election for Democrats,” Taylor said.
“So you could end up with a situation where you’ve drawn districts that are supposedly for, you know, friendly for Republicans, and all of a sudden, in a year where the economy is going south, Trump’s opinion poll numbers continue to decline, you end up with Democrats winning in districts that were designed for Republicans.”
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